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Local Labor Control Regimes
The key concept in this research paper is an in-depth explicit analysis of applications of labor control regime in a peripheral capitalism site often presented as direct exploitation of cheap, abundant, and region bound available labor controlled by the capital. Extensive policies are in existence to monitor these regimes of regulated labor use and clearly defined subjectivities in key factors of production; workers who are located in regions or sites characterized by a rapid growth with little or no checks and balance among the themselves.
These complex regulatory institutions operate within the labor unions or workers association in line with the legal framework governing use and upkeep of labor. Besides, there is always a very sensitive attention directed towards the two key players in labor trade, that is, the employer who aims at optimal profit making and the worker who would wish that rationality and autonomy to be a key factor of consideration in managing the labor he/she supplies. Hence, I seek to affirm that discrepancy addressed through focusing on key labor monitoring institutions and parties involved in labor use and control as a regime may summaries tension existing between the employer and a worker who feel depressed in reward for labor given (Coe&Others, 2007).
In the United State of America, institutions involved in labor control include, the federal state, individual workers and unions, corporate investors, commercial estate management agencies, recruiting agents, municipal officials, community leaders and organizations of labor providers. Consequently, two clear concepts arise when these institutions attempt to maintain a balanced favorable interaction with one another. Foremost, this relationship founded on labor processing cannot be perceived merely as an underlying tension between production capital and labor, as a factor of production. However, there are power straggles in the company hierarchy ladder though most of the time, it may seem hidden in cases where worker's opinion are considered a default to company's profit making goal (Coe&Others, 2007).
In a bid to keep such tension at minimal level, these players act as mediators to build such strain relationship. Consequently, if successful, there exists a morally desired interaction embedded on rational capital accumulation and employment within the political and power relations economy. Whenever there is a power struggle between labor union and the employer, bypasses, protests, and resistance will occur. Under strict capitalist labor management system, most workers may apparently appear obedient, which do not mean that they accept some of this rules-expendable disloyalty.
Within the facets of American constitution, workers are authorized to organize and participate in peaceful strikes and bypasses if they feel that the returns on labor, in terms of wages and salary do not match with the market value. Through their labor union officials, there are always serious negotiations in support by a government agent(s) representing the moral aspect of household income per worker, to cushion them from any unfair business engagement practices. Should the firm fail, or delay in responding to their demands strikes are justified. However, a company operating in a capitalist market orientation may find these demands impractical to address. As a response, it might opt for relocation to region perceived to be less volatile and with minimal labor regulatory requirement. Should the workers sense threat in accompany relocation response, then thy may seek government intervention against fear of loss security, validation and stability.
Policies of intervention are constructed on a belief that responsibility of a company is to foster ferocities from work place to consumption site and reproduction of labor in the market. Though Boeing dream liner have within its powers the soul decision on where to locate operations, It policy formulators and decision makers should consider the involvement of local dependent faction's moral responsibility to safeguard employment security. It should consider a relative passive regime of labor governance considering the collective rights to a social welfare in a coercive workforce associated with a higher degree of obligation into duty.
While this thinking is directed towards a hegemonic despotism regime, implementation has to be locally oriented. Usually, employees operate their scale of daily life at the local site, thus, local market for labor should be dependent of social, economic and political influences through which a boarder process may become known. Since this labor must return home every evening, capital should be confronted as a component of collective reproduction.ie; condition for exploitation of a new labor market should be v\based on power of labor to reproduce rather than contradictions form revenge motive economic restructuring. Consequently, reform policies have been established to enable condition of moral treatment and respect at social reproduction and production. At all time, management of social regulation should be distinctive in understanding modes of employment regulation well pronounced in Regulation school of thought campaign for mediation between conflicting player in labor market to produce an even market geography (Coe&Others, 2007).
Reactions by the Worekers
In direct response to the created job insecurity, may be force to accept low wages in line with the same Boeing is giving other employees in a non-unionized area. This will the translate into low real income accompanied by an expandable tendencies of unnecessary unpaid wages abed fines. If the instability remains persistent for a long period, then cultural and marginalization of this workers may be systematically be applied characterized by threats of termination. In addition, labor may end up being institutionalized unstable and unpredictable
In line with thoughts on reconciliation of production and reproduction, local labor control regime offer a complete desirable model for balancing business operations and needs of workers and their impact to the communal overall gain/loss. Instead of shifting focus on capital confronts imperative, much thought is put in place to factor in broader conditions necessary for a sustained capitalist production in the local site as a temporal and spatial fix on surplus value. As suggested by structural Marxists, labor should be centrally placed as an active agent keeping within its ranks a sustainable production-consumption sphere. These regulations in mostly are informal, geographic than what a formal flexible institution can divulge.
Free Trade Agreement
The principal argument of free trade agreements such as NAFTA is security for trade liberalization. These agreements are aimed to negotiate and acquire desired advantage within trading. As a driver for liberalization, parties involve can develop a close economic tie and substantially become a solitary economy as the process of negotiating these agreements require concessions for greater market access in this reduced level of market protection by the trading entities.
Free Trade Agreement Concepts
As goods and services are diverted from a disadvantaged country, higher costs for these products and service are displaced to reasonable levels. Besides, when high cost product are replaced by low cost ones within the same quality bracket, such a liberation become a desirability. Since ancient times, maximum trade gains have been witnessed under NFTAs involving countries with different structures in their economy (Sonali et al., n.d). Comparative advantage consequently will favor them thus allowing both the entities to have positively skewed gains due to specialization by each party to produce what give a relative advantage in trading like the case of Australian continent exporting primary products to England and in return receives finished products. Most of these benefits are as a result of intra-industry trade for products already manufactured from home territory.
Consequently, there in existence will be an increased competitive edge on supplies previously ranked lowly in the home market but now trade at a good price in the foreign market. In addition, modernized specialized production reaffirms comparative benefits associated with an increased steps or stages under which the products meant for the other market passes through to keep required standards as expressed by its final consumer.
Trade freeing between interacting countries with more or less the same economic profile is associated with gains without disruptions sometimes predominant with countries on different economic alignment or climate. Besides, should firm(s) experience stiff competition form a rival(s) specialized in the same product or service, it can easily relocate its operations to the benefiting entity within the agreement circle. Also, the increasingly intra-industry deals translates into a substantial de facto in better economies of scale benefits due to specialized concentration a particular segment of the market or production technique.
The key obvious advantage in making NFTA attractable to parities involved is that these entities acquire preferred access advantage to product markets controlled by other members. It long term optimal outcome is dependent on the total impact realized in engaging different trade policies running concurrently in different economies doing same trade. There are rules set to explicitly regulate trade agreements and other trade related activities incorporated in written commitments to do away with trade barriers preventing easy flow of goods and services from one economy to another. In addition, members have an option to secure special agreements for regulations conferring more advantages upon a trading partner(s) thus, greatly lowering trade restrictions and irritants not easy to address under other trade agreements (Coe&Others, 2007).
However, free trade agreements such as NAFTA is my opinion was wrongly approached with no proper consideration to environmental aspects of trade agreement and labor rights-it was one sided in favoring a side of the economy for another. Rather, the original document containing these agreements concentrates only on capitalization and corporation than it is to the working class. Since the agreement has been in place for the last seventeen years, repealing it may not be practical but to understand its negative pressure on environment and labor in order to suggest framework for fair free trade society. Especially in Canada, a member of Nafta, real wage has seriously declined inversely to an increased GDP, which is because of large-scale slash on increased income and social programs from interest income and profit. Beneficiaries are the few persons placed at top of income pyramid (Sonali et al., n.d).
In addition, it has been viewed as a factor increasing the complexity of global trading systems thus associated with the current high costs of business transactions. For instance, this agreement holds no proper explanation on social responsibility legislations that address the economic impact on environmental degradation, which directly affects the Canadian community. Canada, under this agreement has largely lost control over her energy resources in terms of water trade. As the key exporter of oil to U.S, this country uses up to 359 million cubit meters of water in oil processing for export .Even when water levels fall down, or pollution reaches toxic level, they must continue to produce the same amount of energy exported. Environmental sustainability must be cautiously protected when carrying out any economic or social duty as a policy for biodiversity maintenance.
Conclusively, it is important to appreciate that local labor control regime should be balanced with the labor market restructuring policy because tension between social reproduction and sustained capital accumulation is pivoted around the local scale labor market. A balanced mix could be the most appropriate form of regulating market for labor. Free Trade Agreement regime when appropriately applied can work alongside this balancing policy.
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