1.'The influence of conservative religious groups in contemporary American politics compromises the distinction in the American constitution between the separation of church and state.' Discuss.
Despite the disparities between the numerous sacred factions who have arrived in the United States, and the academic evaluation of what comprises "American religion," some comparisons have come up in both the performance and the learning of beliefs in America. Following the lawful institutional division of church and state, though, a Protestant intellectual domination sustained. If one takes church-state cases judged by the U.S. Extreme Court as an evaluation of disagreements over beliefs, Protestant dominion was comparatively unconcealed until the middle of the 20th century (Perry, 1997).
The portioning of sacred, educational, and also political power characterized by consecutive disestablishments has been supported by propensities that have constantly been there in American faith but were possibly negligible chords until institutional and communal structural adjustments offered the prospects to thrive. Another option which might not be a totally mismatched analysis of American spiritual growth is to restructure it, deemphasizing the configuration and termination of agreement and instead have our focus on religion as a reliable basis of community segregation and a device of community disagreement. American religious account thus turns into a sequence of political and intellectual confrontations to all major protestant dominions.
2. What does the debate over "affirmative action" reveal about American attitudes towards racial equality?
"Affirmative action" implies constructive measures taken to augment the depiction of females and the marginalized in disciplines of occupation, learning, and industry from which they have been traditionally expelled. When those measures entail privileged choice-choice on the foundation of ethnicity, sex, or race- Affirmative accomplishment produces deep disagreements. There was a first affirmative spike form 1972-1980, and the second1990s making the Supreme Court's to decide on the maintenance of certain types of affirmative achievements. The initial spike included disagreements concerning gender and ethnic inclinations alike.
The subsequent spike symbolized a disagreement concerning ethnicity and race. The aspirations of actual global affirmative achievements make gender, ethnicity and race prominent, not individual desert or advantage. Real global affirmative action entails the urgency to stop discrimination, endorse diversity and assimilation and the moral, fundamental of its means-which might remain much in dispute.
3. Why is abortion such a divisive political issue in contemporary American politics?
One of the most conflict-ridden subjects in American political opinions at present is abortion, with strong approach from either sides and with two obstinate perceptions in nonstop disagreement. The pro-life viewpoint views human existence as starting at conception and hence any abortion for any explanation is measured as killing. The pro-choice lobby group views the subject as a right of the female to manage her individual body, and for this interest group abortion is to be granted when need arises, with no legislative directions on the subject at all. Although there are certain pro-life individuals who make room for abortion under several conditions, like when the life of the mother is jeopardized or in the instance of incest or rape, the center of the association accounts abortion as erroneous under any conditions. For millions of individuals in the middle, abortion is permissible under certain circumstances, but some directions are as well to be permitted (Goldberg, 1970).
Civil freedom arguments are likely to be disruptive by their own character, but in various approaches they characterize our public customs and our general principles. The fact that the United States is not basically of one accord on the significance of diverse matters relating to civil autonomy is demonstrative of their customs. It demonstrates their national complication, their ideological assortment, and their comparative distress with phony conciliations.
4. 'Despite the civil rights movement of the 1960s, race remains a significant factor in the conduct of politics in contemporary America'. Discuss
Even though Americans believe in impartiality in the theoretically, they denote impartiality of prospects, not impartiality of outcome. As matters shift in the direction of definite outcome like the allocation of employment, the political opinions of impartiality become much more impassioned. A correlated matter is whether impartiality is to be described as a group privileged and not simply in stipulations of reasonable handling of persons. The basic constitution acknowledged and defended slavery. In spite of the national human rights association and national privileges legislation, discrimination between the races carries on. Judged against the whites, African American earnings at present are merely at 62% (Witt, 1994).
More than 20% of all African American family units live beneath the poverty line in contrast with 10% of whites. Black joblessness is double as much as whites. Although the blacks and Hispanics have equally enhanced their financial situations, the disproportions involving whites and the marginalized remain unchanged. Even taking in learning developments, the marginalized and white universities and high school alumnae earnings are widely separated. Owing to continuing inconveniences, some promote long-term affirmative achievement; providing employment or other inclinations to minorities. Ultimately, affirmative achievement became gradually more disliked amongst whites, who saw in affirmative achievement a disrespect of advantageous standards and a structure of reverse prejudice (Graham, 1992).
5. What explains the weakness of gun control in contemporary America?
To a huge degree, gun control is a factor that individuals believe in. It is held in belief without awareness to sensibleness, achievement and enforcement troubles, and expenditure. Numerous individuals deduce that effective, economical gun controls can be obtained much easily, if only the resistance of the wicked gun group could be defeated. There are no academic articles and few promotion credentials that give the information of specific gun controls and struggle with issues of performance and imposition. It cannot be exaggerated that when it comes to reflecting on the prospect of U. S. firearms parameters, we are not doing something that has not been done before. The cinemas, video sports and TV shows praise the gun; they demonstrate it as the final touches to gigantic men, with well built bodies, rescuing the day once more. It is impracticable to keep these weapons from getting to possession of people who are unauthorized to make use of one (Parenti, 1996).
6. What explains the persistence of the death penalty in the United States?
Some analysts have pointed out that the emblematic value of capital punishment in American politics is enhanced by the need to express its trepidation of crime and its repulsion of criminals. This raises the question of why capital sentence turned out to be such a dominant symbol in the United States. The establishment of capital punishment in the United States has been persistently resistant to cogent or scientific influence about its restricted impact on preventing crime as well as enhancing the safety of the public. In the 1970s, the increasing impetus to do away with capital punishment in the United States ignited an influential counter-movement that was successful in reviving executions with retribution.
The Americans are however exceptionally open to empathy. There is no other country in the world where criminal justice is governed with extreme mildness than in the United States. Even as the English seem inclined cautiously to preserve the gory traces of the middle Ages in their punitive legislation, the Americans have nearly obliterated capital punishment from their system. For a number of individuals, the death punishment in the United States is an ethically compulsory establishment, and its present under-utilization exerts pressure the running of a free and just society. On the other hand, others believe that the use of death penalty in the United States is a repulsive persistence of government-sanctioned human rights infringement in conflict with America's general mission toward the progress of the basis of liberty and human rights all through the world (O'Connor, 2005).
7. Assess the impact of September 11th and its aftermath on domestic American political life.
Following September 11 attacks on the world trade centre and the pentagon, politics turn out to be very unsophisticated and frantic. The politicians happened to very insistent and said they would do everything to secure the country from danger. They were determined to spend several taxpayers' dollars so as to ensure that the United State was free from terrorism. Travelling on a plane after 9/11 attacks turned out to be very hard for people. They now dreaded that something bad might befall them too. Prior to the attack, people not think of the consequences that might happen while travelling in a plane. After the September 11 attack, President Bush declared a "War on Terror" Attack against Afghanistan when millions of American troops were deployed to fight. Unfortunately, several American solders lost their lives in cross fires.
Offenses based on Religion, especially on Muslims and Race quickly amplified after the September 11 attacks (Ahmed, 2003). On the other hand, Immigration became very stringent following the September 11, 2001. It turned out to be very hard for Muslims to turn into an American national. The distrust immediately changed for the Muslim and Arab already settled in the United States. The immigration has being paying a special attention on Muslims especially when they are travelling. A sincere and composed evaluation must assess both the opportunities for improving protection in opposition to terrorism and the restrictions on the aptitude of this government to warrant homeland security.
8. Assess the significance of Barack Obama's election in 2008.
Predominantly, the election of Barack Obama into the white house in 2008 was an immense negation of not only Bush presidency, but also marked the end of Republican Party in dominating the right wing politics in the U.S. the election was watershed, one which reflected the "framework of the electoral process, massive demographic, as well as socio-economic and cultural shifts" experienced in the past over a quarter century. More considerably, the outcome of the election disapproved the notion that the United States of America is a racist nation, and that unreasonable racial acrimonies trump all other concerns (Sabato, 2009).
No matter what contentment the Democratic Party drew from the victory, but the apprehension within President-elect Obama's inner circle, the leadership of the party as well as any political organization, which aroused the hopes and expectations of masses, will not be simply contained. The outcome of the 2008 elections set a stage for a novel and prolonged era of extreme class clash in the United States.
9. Assess the significance of the Tea Party movement in contemporary American politics
For many years, the United States politics have been under controversy following the rise of the Tea Party Movement. While proponents of the movement have cited it as a tool toward reviving American values, opponents have strongly rejected it by citing it a racist, reactionary and eventual futile movement. They criticize the movement for being racially and culturally biased and as a hindrance toward gaining new government activism.
The Tea Party movement is deeply rooted in the history of the United States. It is preeminent understood as a modern revolution of Jacksonian common sense, which believes that "the idea that moral, scientific, political and religious truths can be determined by the typical person" (Dunn, 1994) in opposition to elites alleged as both imprudent and fraudulent. Although the association itself may fall apart and even vanish, the power of populist that powers it will not be outdone soon.